ONFIDENTIAL 


REPORT 

ON 

LABOR   SITUATION 


THE    NETHERLANDS 


CONFIDENTIAL 


REPORT 

ON 
LABOR   SITUATION 

OF 
THE   NETHERLANDS 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Significant  Political  Events  of  1917,  1918 7 

Participation  of  Organized  Workers  in  These  Events 7 

Status  of  Organized  Labor 8 

The  Five  Central  Federations 9 

Political  Alignment  in  the  States-General 12 

General  Summary  of  the  Political  Situation 13 

Attitude  of  the  Workers  During  the  War 15 

Attitude  Towards  the  Government 15 

Attitude  as  Between  the  Central  Powers  and  the  Allies 17 

Attitude  as  to  the  Russian  Situation 18 

Attitude  Towards  Peace  Terms 19 

Appendices: 

I.     Political  Organizations  of    the  Labor  Groups,  Their 

Structure  and  Aims 20 

II.     Statistics  of  Growth  of  the  Unions  and  Federations.  .  29 

III.  List    of    Organizations    Affiliated    with    the    Levine 

Federations 31 

IV.  Personnel  of  the  Labor  Movement. .  37 


I 

SIGNIFICANT  POLITICAL  EVENTS  OF  THE  YEARS 

1917,  1918 

Among  the  most  significant  events  in  the  political  history  of  the 
Netherlands  during  the  past  two  years  have  been  (a)  the  constitutional 
reforms  of  1917,  (b)  the  results  of  the  elections  of  July,  1918,  and  (c) 
the  Revolutionary  gesture  made  in  November  of  that  year  by  P.  J. 
Troelstra,  who  has  long  been  the  guiding  spirit  of  the  more  moderate 
socialists  and  the  successful  opponent  of  the  radical  wing  in  his  union 
and  in  party.  The  first  of  these,  the  constitutional  reforms,  included 
universal  manhood  suffrage  with  23  as  the  voting  age,  the  removal  of 
the  constitutional  obstacle  to  women's  suffrage,  which  now  awaits 
only  legislative  formulation,  and  the  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the 
First  Chamber  to  those  implied  in  a  suspensive  veto.  The  second, 
the  elections  of  July,  1918,  which  were  the  first  held  under  the  revised 
constitution  and  hence  the  first  test  of  the  popular  will  under  conditions 
of  universal  manhood  suffrage  with  proportional  representation  and 
compulsory  voting,  resulted  in  the  return  of  26  Socialists  to  the  Second 
Chamber  which  numbers  100  members  in  all,  and  of  3  Socialists  to  the 
upper  chamber  which  numbers  50  members.  The  third,  Troelstra's 
Revolutionary  gesture,  while  abortive  as  a  revolutionary  move  was 
not  without  its  effect,  since  it  added  momentum  to  the  pressure  for 
legislation  in  favor  of  women's  suffrage,  of  the  substitution  of  8  hours 
in  place  of  11  as  the  legal  working  day,  and  of  the  abolition  of  the  first 
chamber. 

Participation  of  the  Organized  Worker  in  These  Events 

To  each  of  these  events  organized  labor  was  an  important  con- 
tributing factor.  Electoral  reform  has  been  one  of  the  cardinal  de- 
mands on  the  program  and  a  part  of  the  propaganda  of  union  labor  in 
the  Netherlands  for  almost  fifty  years,  and  its  institution  was  due 
largely  to  the  election  of  a  parliament  in  which  the  conservatives  were 
ousted  from  control  by  means  of  an  understanding  between  the  liberals 
and  the  representatives  of  the  socialist  parties  with  which  the  trade 
unions  were  closely  allied. 

Of  the  twenty-six  socialists  elected  on  July  4th,  1918,  twenty-two 


were  returned  by  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party,  which  is  so  inti- 
mately affiliated  with  the  Nederlandsch  Verbond  Van  Vakvereeni- 
gingen  (the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trade  Unions) ,  as  to  be  almost 
identical  with  it  and  the  Social  Democratic  Party,  the  Socialist  Party 
and  the  Federated  Christian  Socialists  by  whom  the  other  socialist 
representatives  were  returned,  are  each  affiliated  in  similar  manner 
with  a  trade  union  federation. 

The  fate  of  Troelstra's  revolutionary  gesture  was  dependent  upon 
the  reception  accorded  to  it  by  the  trades  unionists  and  especially  by 
those  of  his  own  organization  which  represents  more  than  a  majority 
of  the  total  of  the  organized  workers  affiliated  with  the  federations. 
Had  their  support  been  accorded  the  revolution,  whether  ultimately 
a  success  or  a  failure,  would  have  come  into  being.  With  their  sup- 
port withheld,  as  it  was  withheld,  it  could  have  no  other  fate  than  to 
be  abortive. 

Status  of  Organized  Labor 

That  organized  labor  should  have  constituted  an  important  factor 
in  these  movements  and  that  it  should  constitute  an  important  factor 
in  all  the  political  activities  of  the  Nation,  is  rendered  inevitable 
both  by  its  ideals  and  by  its  numbers.  For  in  the  Netherlands  the 
unions  have  steadily  been  pursuing  political  aims,  and  it  is  hardly  too 
much  to  say  that  they  regard  their  function  of  organizing  the  political 
concepts  and  ideals  of  the  workers  as  equally  important  with  that 
of  arraying  them  for  defensive  and  offensive  action  in  industrial 
disputes.  Indeed,  all  the  unions  contribute  largely  to  the  impulse  on 
the  one  hand  to  foster  and  on  the  other  to  combat  the  tendencies  to 
radicalism  in  political  and  religious  thought;  and  almost  thirty  per 
cent,  of  the  organized  workers  are  affiliated  with  unions,  which  were 
created  by  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  churches,  chiefly  for  the 
purpose  of  offsetting  the  socialistic  ideals  and  purposes  with  which  the 
secular  unions  were  indoctrinated. 

Moreover,  through  the  number  of  its  members  alone,  organized 
labor  in  Holland  is  inevitably  destined  to  exercise  a  great  influence  on 
political  thought  and  activity.  For  at  the  beginning  of  1918  when 
universal  manhood  suffrage  had  already  been  achieved  its  member- 
ship was  the  equivalent  of  27.8%  of  the  total  voting  population,  and 
it  is  extremely  probable  that  at  the  time  of  the  election  it  represented 
even  a  larger  percentage  of  the  population. 

Furthermore  the  movement  is  highly  centralized  and  the  tendency 
to  such  centralization  has  been  progressive.  In  1910  only  a  fraction 
over  54%  of  the  organized  workers  were  affiliated  with  central  federa- 
tions. In  1918  when  the  total  number  of  workers  was  about 

8 


times  as  great  as  in  1910  nearly  78%  of  them  were  affiliated  with  one 
or  the  other  of  the  five  central  federations,  whose  aggregate  member- 
ship was  then  287,458,  or  approximately  twice  the  total  number  of 
all  workers,  who  were  organized  in  1910. 

If  it  were  united  in  its  aims  organized  labor  would  therefore  be  in  a 
position  now  to  exercise  almost  a  controlling  influence  in  the  political 
field;  and  if  the  developments  of  the  past  few  years  may  be  regarded 
as  criterial  this  power  is  destined  to  grow  in  ever-increasing  ratio. 
For  during  the  years  1910  to  1918  its  membership  has  increased  from 
143,850  to  369,151  (i.e.,  by  157%)  and  about  117,000  of  this  225,000 
increase  has  been  allowed  during  the  last  two  years  of  that  period, 
in  which  the  increase  was  at  the  rate  of  over  52,000  and  over  65,000 
respectively,  while  there  are  indications  that  during  the  year  1918  the 
ratio  of  increase  was  even  larger. 

There  is  no  such  unity  however.  For  while  the  several  federations 
may  occasionally  unite  in  the  advocacy  of  specific  industrial  reforms, 
there  is  among  them  a  distinct  line  of  cleavage  with  respect  to  their 
political  ideals  and  purposes.  On  one  side  of  this  line  stands  the 
unions  organized  under  the  influence  of  the  Catholic  and  Protestant 
churches  which  have  been  created  to  combat  socialism  and  all  its 
attendant  concepts,  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  line,  stand  the  non- 
religious  organizations,  which  are  in  the  main  socialistic  or  more 
radical.  The  ratio  between  the  influence  of  socialistic  and  radical 
thought  on  the  one  hand  and  of  the  conservative  ideals  on  the  other, 
if  measured  by  this  yardstick,  would  indicate  that  about  27^%  of  the 
organized  workers  were  aligned  with  the  conservatives  and  723/£% 
with  the  socialists  and  radicals.* 

The  Five  Central  Federations 

The  five  central  federations  to  which  the  vast  majority  of  the 
organized  workers  thus  owe  allegiance,  are: 

Referred  to 

Name  Dutch  in  this  report 

Abbreviation  Translation  by  initials 

1.  National    Arbeids-Secre- 

tariaat NAS        National  Labor  Secretariat .         NLS 

2.  Nederlandsch      Verbond 

van  Vakvereenigingen .        NW        Nederland     Federation     of 

Trades  Unions NFT 

3.  Christelyk         Nationaal 

Vakverbond CNW      Christian  National  Federa- 
tion of  Trade  Unions CNFT 

*  The  figures  are  based  on  1917  statistics  of  membership  in  the  central  federations. 

9 


Referred  to 

Dutch  in  this  report 

Name  Abbreviation  Translation  by  initials 

4 .  Bureau  voor  de  Roomsche 

Katholieke  Vakorgeni- 

satie BRCV  Bureau  of  the  Roman -Cath- 
olic Trade-Union  Federa- 
tion   RCFT 

5.  Nederlandsch      Verbond 

voor  Neutrale  Vakver- 

eenigingen NVNV      Nederland     Federation     of 

Neutral  Trade  Unions ....       NCFT 

The  first  of  the  federations,  the  National  Arbeids-Secretariaat 
(National  Labor  Secretariat)  is  the  outlet  of  the  syndicalists.  It 
advocates  sabotage  and  "direct  action."  Its  membership  has  grown 
from  5,247  on  January  1,  1911,  to  23,068  on  January  1,  1918.  It 
discourages  all  political  action.  Its  present  leaders  are  H.  Kolthek 
and  J.  Lansink.* 

The  second,  the  Nederlandsch  Verbond  van  Vakvereenigingen 
(Nederland  Federation  of  Trade  Unions)  is  numerically  and  in  its 
political  influence  the  strongest  of  the  Federations.  It  advocates 
social-democracy,  but  discountenances  any  other  than  constitutional 
measures  for  its  attainment.  Its  membership  has  increased  from 
44,378  on  January  1,  1911,  to  149,450  on  January  1,  1918,  and  to 
183,080  on  September  1,  1918.  It  is  closely  affiliated  with  and  is 
controlled  by  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  which  polled  296,145 
votes  in  the  1918  elections.  Its  present  leaders  are  Jan  Oudegeest 
and  Edo.  C.  Fimmen.f 

The  third,  the  Christelyk  Nationaal  Vakverbond  (Christian  Na- 
tional Federation  of  Trade  Unions)  is  a  federation  of  unions  organized 
under  the  influence  of  the  Protestant  churches  to  combat  socialism 
and  the  irreligion  that  was  conceived  to  be  its  concomittant.  Its 
membership  has  increased  from  7,480  on  January  1,  1911,  to  28,008 
on  January  1,  1918.  It  supports  the  Anti-revolutionary  Party,  a 
party  of  extreme  conservatism  which  polled  a  vote  of  about  174,000 
in  the  1918  elections.  Its  present  leaders  are  Messrs.  Kruythof  and 
Diemer. 

The  fourth,  the  Bureau  voor  de  Roomsche  Katholieke  Vakor- 
genisatie  (Bureau  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Trade  Union  Federation)  is 
the  federation  of  trades  unions  organized  under  the  influence  of  the 
Catholic  church  in  the  same  spirit  of  antagonism  to  socialism  and  what 
were  assumed  to  be  its  concomittants  as  characterized  the  Protestant 
organization.  Its  proportionate  increase  during  the  past  eight  years 

*  In  further  details  see  pp.  43,  44. 
t  For  further  details  see  p  .  39. 

10 


has  been  greater  than  that  of  any  of  the  other  central  organizations. 
On  January  1,  1918,  its  membership  numbered  69,139  as  against 
15,541  on  January  1,  1911.  It  supports  the  Roman  Catholic  (Cleri- 
cal) Party — the  party  of  the  extreme  right  which  polled  about  400,000 
votes  at  the  1918  elections.  Its  present  leaders  are  Lambert  Poel 
and  A.  J.  Loerakker. 

The  fifth,  Nederlandsch  Verbond  voor  Neutrale  Vakvereenigingen 
(Nederland  Federation  of  Neutral  Trade  Unions)  is  liberal  though  not 
socialistic  in  its  political  conceptions  but  discountenances  political 
activity  and  is  not  affiliated  with  any  political  party.  Its  member- 
ship has  grown  from  2,844  on  January  1,  1913,  to  7,794  on  January  1, 
1918.  Its  present  leaders  are'R.  Winkel  and  Prof.  M.  F.  W.  Treub. 


11 


II 

POLITICAL  ALLIGNMENT  IN  THE  STATES-GENERAL 

As  the  result  of  the  1918  election  the  "lower"  house  of  Dutch 
Parliament  is  composed  of: 

30  Roman  Catholics  (Clericals) 
13  Anti-Revolutionaries 
7  Christian  Historicals 

4  Free  Liberals 

6  Union  Liberals 

5  Liberal  Democrats 

3  of  the  Economic  League 

1  of  the  Rural  Party 

22  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party 

2  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party 
1  of  the  Socialist  Party 

1  Christian  Socialist 

5  representatives  of  a  variety  of  other  organizations  with  rather 
indefinite  political  programs. 

The  general  attitude  of  these  several  Parties  toward  the  question  of 
economic  reconstruction  may  be  summarized  roughly  as  follows: 
The  Roman  Catholic  Party  announces  that  it  seeks  a  gradual  return 
to  ante-bellum  conditions  to  be  effected  as  soon  as  circumstances  shall 
permit;  the  Anti-Revolutionaries  announce  that  "the  shackles  which 
have  bound  commerce  and  industry  in  war  time  be  loosened."  The 
delegates  who  have  been  classified  as  Christian  Historicals,  though 
hardly  to  be  listed  as  members  of  a  unified  Party,  subscribe  in  general 
to  the  same  doctrine.  The  Independent  Liberals  demand  "the  avoid- 
ance of  everything  that  tends  to  frighten  capital  and  to  paralyze  its 
energy."  The  Union  Liberals  insist  "that  State  interference  in 
agriculture,  commerce  and  industry  must  gradually  be  discontinued." 
The  Economic  League  demands  "the  restoration  of  liberty  in  industry 
as  soon  as  circumstances  will  permit."  The  slogan  of  the  Social 

12 


Democratic  Labor  Party  is  "Forward  to  socialization  of  industry  and 
nationalization  of  the  land.  If  the  present  organization  of  the  State 
cannot  accomplish  these  ends,  then  revolutionize  the  State."*  With 
this  program  the  Christian  Socialists  are  practically  in  accord  and  to 
it  the  Social  Democratic  Party  also  subscribes  but  with  a  greater 
accent  on  speedy  action;  while  the  Socialist  Party  which  is  composed 
of  syndicalists  who  have  been  impelled  by  the  events  of  the  last  four 
years  to  enter  the  political  arena,  demands  practical  mass  action. 

The  Government  is  constituted  through  the  coalition  between  the 
Roman  Catholic  and  Anti-Revolutionary  Parties,  together  with  the 
Christian  Historicals,  who  total  in  the  aggregate  50  votes.  The 
center  is  composed  of  the  Liberal  Democrats,  Free  Liberals,  Union 
Liberals,  Economic  League,  and  Rural  Party,  all  standing  for  ameliora- 
tive reforms  and  opposing  any  program  that  savors  of  socialism,  and 
therefore  standing  ready  to  support  the  Government  in  its  opposition 
to  markedly  progressive  measures  except  in  so  far  as  they  conceive  that 
such  opposition  may  tend  to  stimulate  and  enforce  the  radical  senti- 
ment in  the  country.  The  "left"  is  composed  of  the  22  members 
of  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party,  representing  the  more  moderate 
socialists,  to  which  may  be  added  the  one  vote  of  the  Christian 
Socialists  who  are  also  to  be  classed  as  moderates  and  in  support  of 
any  measures,  which  satisfy  the  extreme  views  of  the  Socialist  and 
Social  Democratic  Parties,  the  3  votes  which  they  control. 

General  Summary  of  the  Political  Situation 

In  summary,  therefore,  the  situation  in  the  States-General  is  that 
the  Conservatives  may  count  on  an  entirely  safe  majority  but  that 
the  Radical  group,  though  in  a  hopeless  parliamentary  minority,  is 
relatively  a  strong  one  and  is  likely  to  be  stimulated  to  constantly 
progressive  demands  by  the  fact  that  its  strength  has  been  increasing 
with  each  election;  and  that  generally  speaking  the  line  of  cleavage 
between  those  who  stand  for  the  established  order  and  those  who  urge 
a  reconstruction  of  society  along  socialistic  lines  is  growing  sharper 
and  sharper. 

In  appraising  the  significance  of  the  relatively  strong  radical 
tendencies,  which  the  election  of  July  4th  has  thus  disclosed  it  must  be 
borne  in  mind,  of  course,  that  the  results  of  that  election  were  un- 
questionably affected  by  the  stimulus  to  unrest  and  the  accentuation 
of  economic  inequalities  which  the  hardships  of  the  preceding  years 
had  induced;  and  there  must  be  taken  into  account  also  the  inevitable 
dissatisfaction  of  a  suffering  people  with  any  measures  of  relief  that 
any  Government  could  find  it  possible  to  afford.  Weight  must  be 

*  See  further  p.  00,  infra. 

13 


given  also  to  the  indications  of  adherence  to  the  existing  order  dis- 
closed by  the  relatively  large  increase  in  membership  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  trades  federations  and  to  the  complete  failure  of  Troelstra's 
revolutionary  gesture  in  November,  1918. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  it  should  not  be  overlooked  that  the  Dutch 
are  naturally  a  conservative  people;  that  there  is  a  considerable  and 
influential  middle  class  in  the  Netherlands;  that  the  churches,  which 
have  been  powerful  in  that  country  throughout  its  history,  have  for 
years  been  utilizing  all  the  machinery  of  their  several  organizations  to 
combat  the  spread  of  socialism;  that  the  recent  extension  of  the 
suffrage  has  operated  to  enfranchise  a  large  disproportionality  of 
voters  in  the  districts  where  the  conservative  influence  of  the  Catholic 
Church  are  dominant  and  that  the  increase  in  socialist  representation 
has  resulted  in  the  teeth  of  these  opposing  factors. 


14 


Attitude  Toward  the  Government 

In  general,  the  workers,  irrespective  of  their  political  affiliations,  were 
impatient  with  the  Government  by  reason  of  their  feeling  that  the 
measures  of  relief  adopted  were  inadequate.  The  tone  of  the  criticism 
varied,  of  course,  in  accordance  with  the  political  concepts  of  the 
several  bodies  of  workers;  and  the  tone  of  the  unions  affiliated  with  the 
Clerical  and  Anti-Revolutionary  Parties  naturally  moderated  when 
those  parties  took  over  the  Government. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  the  Socialists  decided  to  sustain  the 
Government  upon  the  conditions  that  strict  neutrality  should  be  ob- 
served and  that  the  needs  of  the  people  should  be  met.  And  through- 
out the  war  Troelstra  and  other  leaders  of  the  Social-Democratic 
Labor  Party  and  of  the  Netherland  Federation  Trade  Unions  evinced 
their  appreciation  of  the  difficulties  which  the  Government  was  com- 
pelled to  surmount  in  its  effort  to  maintain  its  neutrality  in  the  face 
of  the  demands  of  the  rival  belligerents  and  Troelstra  was  generous 
in  his  expression  of  approval  of  the  wisdom  and  skill  with  which  the 
Government  had  maintained  its  neutrality.  Thus,  in  an  interview 
published  in  February,  1918,  he  said: 

"The  neutrality  of  the  country  is  the  first  consideration.  The 
foreign  policy  of  the  Government  on  the  whole  deserved  approval.." 

And  on  June  3,  1918:  "There  is  on  the  one  side  the  mighty  military 
power  of  Germany,  which  is  of  so  great  importance,  both  for  the 
supply  of  raw  materials  and  for  the  transit  traffic  through  Rotterdam; 
on  the  other  side  is  the  Entente  with  its  command  of  the  sea,  by 
which  it  can  control  the  import  of  foodstuffs  and  the  communications 
between  Holland  and  her  colonies.  The  Government  has  succeeded 
in  keeping  a  balance  between  these  two  poles." 

Further,  he  and  his  Party  exerted  a  stabilizing  influence  by  opposing 
the  efforts  of  the  Radicals  led  by  the  "Secretariat"  when  on  three 

15 


separate  occasions  during  the  war  that  body  sought  to  bring  about  a 
general  strike  as  an  expression  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  Govern- 
ment's relief  measures,  a  proposal  which  Troelstra  characterized  as 
nothing  more  than  "an  exhibition  of  revolutionary  gymnastics." 

On  the  other  hand  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  was  itself 
insistent  in  its  criticism  of  the  Government's  relief  program*  and  was 
constantly  applying  the  whip  to  compel  more  drastic  action.  As 
an  instance,  at  the  very  outbreak  of  the  war,  Troelstra,  in  the  Second 
Chamber,  and  Polsk,  in  the  First,  objected  to  the  inadequacy  of  the 
measures  taken  for  provisioning  the  people  and  demanded  "free 
distribution  of  food"  and  of  course,  throughout  the  war  Troelstra  and 
his  Party  were  clamorous  in  their  demands  for  constitutional  reforms, 
which  they  accepted  merely  as  a  stepping  stone  to  the  achievement  of 
more  drastic  reforms.  This  attitude  is  disclosed  by  Troelstra  in  the 
interview  of  February,  1918,  above  referred  to,  when  after  voicing 
his  approval  of  the  Government's  foreign  policy  he  proceeded: 

"In  respect  to  the  revision  of  the  constitution  the  Government  has  done 
its  duty  and  now  it  is  the  general  opinion  that  the  Government  should  go." 

*  This  included  progressively,  limitation  of  food  exports,  price  fixing,  rent  sub- 
sidies, unemployment  relief  supplementary  to  that  afforded  by  the  Trades  Unions, 
war  risk  and  accident  insurance  for  seamen  and  for  owners  of  fishing  vessels  (with 
a  large  percentage  of  the  premium  underwritten  by  the  Government  in  the  case  of 
the  smaller  vessels),  housing  projects,  institution  of  Government  and  municipal 
labor  construction  projects  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing  employment,  increase  in 
orders  for  military  supplies  for  the  same  purpose  and  the  institution  of  labor  ex- 


16 


IV 

ATTITUDE  OF  THE  LABOR  GROUP  TOWARD  THE  BEL- 
LIGERENTS AND  THE  ISSUES  OF  THE  WAR 


As  Between  the  Central  Powers  and  the  Allies 

Generally  speaking,  the  attitude  of  the  Dutch  people  toward  the 
belligerents  may  be  summed  up  as  follows: 

In  the  Northern  provinces,  the  Frisians  and  North  Hollanders  have 
been  pro-British;  in  the  provinces,  North  Brabant  and  Limburg,  the 
workers  were  pro-Belgian  and  pro-French;  the  workers  of  the  eastern 
textile  districts  and  the  metal  workers  were  for  the  greater  part  pro- 
German;  while,  of  course,  as  the  war  progressed  the  seamen's  unions 
grew  bitterly  anti-German  and  increasingly  pro-Entente. 

In  general,  the  leaders,  though  insistent  that  the  war  was  due  to  the 
influence  of  bourgeois  and  imperialistic  influences  on  both  sides, 
favored  the  Allies  because  of  their  fear  of  German  imperialism  and 
their  greater  sympathy  of  the  ideals  of  democracy  prevailing  in  the 
Allied  countries.  Thus  on  February  25,  1915,  Vliegen  voiced  the 
sentiment  generally  prevalent  in  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party 
and  in  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trades  Unions  in  condemning 
the  violation  of  Belgian  neutrality,  and  van  Kol,  in  April  of  that  year, 
expressed  his  abhorrence  of  the  German  atrocities  in  Belgium  and  said 
that  "the  silent  consent  to  the  violation  of  Belgium  was  the  circum- 
stance of  all  others  that  most  endangered  the  International;"  and 
Oudegeest  was  frank  in  his  expressions  of  his  personal  antipathy  to  the 
German  Government.  In  July,  1918,  Troelstra  spoke  of  the  political 
and  civilian  spirit  in  the  Entente  countries  as  "much  more  akin  to  his 
ideas  than  the  German  spirit  praised  by  Kaiser  Wilhelm.  At  about 
the  same  time,  in  explaining  his  opposition  to  any  Governmental  policy 
other  than  that  of  strict  neutrality,  he  placed  himself  squarely  on  the 
ground  that,  a  policy  favorable  to  the  Entente  would  inevitably  lead, 
sooner  or  later,  to  the  conquest  of  Holland  by  the  Germans,  saying, 
"It  is  just  because  I  am  a  friend,  of  peace,  a  Democrat,  a  Socialist, 

17 


just  because  all  that  is  best  in  our  people  is  opposed  to  the  Kaiser's 
German  spirit,  that  I  oppose  a  pro-Entente  policy  that  would  lead  us 
in  the  end  into  Germany's  arms." 

They  were  all  especially  critical  of  the  failure  of  the  German  Govern- 
ment to  publish  its  peace  terms.  In  common  with  most  Socialist  and 
many  labor  organizations  of  other  countries,  they  were  sympathetic 
with  the  various  German  peace  gestures  and  sought  to  bring  about  an 
International  Congress  to  further  the  settlement,  but  they  were  im- 
patient with  the  failure  of  the  German  Government  to  state  its  peace 
terms.  Also  they  were  emphatic  in  their  condemnation  of  Scheide- 
mann  and  the  German  Majority  Socialists  for  their  support  of  the 
German  Imperialist  program.  On  June  22,  1917,  Het  Volk,  expressed 
this  feeling  as  follows: 

"The  German  Majority  Socialist  Party  is  itself  a  belligerent  party; 
it  adopts  the  Government's  war  as  its  own  war.  *  *  *  It  has  not 
turned  against  Imperialism,  but  pleads  in  its  favor.  The  Imperialist 
tactics  in  which  the  labor  leaders  join  the  capitalists  regard  defense  as 
unsuccessful  if  no  advantage  is  gained  from  the  enemy.  By  insisting 
on  the  liberation  of  the  seas  from  the  British  fleet  and  on  the  emancipa- 
tion of  subject  races  within  the  British  Empire,  the  German  Socialists 
bring  shame  and  injury  down  upon  their  own  workers,  as  they  become 
allies  of  German  capitalism  against  foreign  labor.  Their  minds  are 
poisoned  and  they  want  to  keep  their  own  Colonies  and  fellow  sub- 
jects under  the  policeman's  sword." 

B 

As  to  the  Russian  Situation 

Upon  the  outbreak  of  the  Russian  revolution  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Labor  Party  and  other  labor  groups  naturally  expressed  its 
sympathy  with  Kerensky  and  his  aims.  That  Party  and  the  other 
conservative  workers  are,  however,  utterly  opposed  to  the  Bol- 
shevists, whose  dissolution  of  the  constitutional  assembly  they  re- 
garded as  evidence  of  defection  from  the  principles  of  true  democracy. 
Sympathy  with  the  Bolshevists  and  advocacy  of  their  doctrines  is 
confined  to  the  comparatively  small,  though  not  unimportant,  group 
of  revolutionary  socialists. 


18 


ATTITUDE  TOWARD  PEACE  TERMS 

In  general,  it  may  be  said  of  the  working  classes  of  Holland  that 
they  are  in  favor  of  a  "lasting  peace"  and  sympathetic  with  President 
Wilson's  program,  that  they  are  opposed  to  annexations  and  in  favor 
of  self-determination.  Troelstra  has  expressed  his  adherence  to 
President  Wilson's  plan,  his  general  approval  of  the  fourteen  points 
and  his  aspiration  for  "a  peace  unsullied  by  the  desire  to  get  more  out 
of  the  present  circumstances  than  is  warrantable  or  which  by  disre- 
garding the  vital  interests  and  possibilities  of  development  of  the 
enemy  will  create  a  basis  for  a  continuance  of  the  terrible  system  of 
economic  rivalry,  diplomatic  intrigue,  and  armament,  the  removal  of 
which  must,  after  all,  be  the  only  Socialist  war  aim."  Further,  the 
Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  has  a  plank  in  its  platform  under  the 
section  dealing  with  foreign  relations  which  demands:  A  plebiscite  for 
the  people  of  Alsace-Lorraine  and  all  other  small  nationalities  (the 
Poles,  Czechs,  etc.)  to  be  determinative  of  their  alliances  and  their 
form  of  Government. 

None  of  the  Radical  Labor  Groups  are  sympathetic  with  the  activist 
movement  in  Belgium  and  they  are  diametrically  opposed  to  the 
aspirations  of  the  greater  Netherland  movement  and  the  imposition 
of  the  Dutch  language  as  the  exclusive  vehicle  of  speech  throughout 
Belgium. 

For  President  Wilson  the  admiration  among  the  workers  is  uni- 
versal, if  there  be  excepted  the  Anarchists  and  members  of  the  Social 
Democratic  Party,  who,  like  their  Russian  confreres,  regard  him  as  a 
hopeless  bourgeois  and  denounce  him  in  unmeasured  terms. 


19 


APPENDIX  I 

POLITICAL   ORGANIZATIONS   OF   THE   LABOR   GROUPS, 
THEIR  STRUCTURE  AND  AIMS 

A 

The  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party 

a 
Origin 

When  in  August,  1894,  a  majority  of  the  old  Social  Democratic 
Federation  voted  to  discontinue  political  activity  and  to  concentrate 
upon  "revolutionary  mass  action"  a  number  of  its  members  who  were 
opposed  to  this  course  undertook  to  organize  a  new  party  under  the 
name  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party.  The  authors  of  this 
secessionist  movement  included  Troelstra,  van  Kol,  Polak,  Vliegen, 
Levita  (now  dead),  Schaper,  Jan  Fortuyn,  J.  H.  Bergmeyer,  and 
four  others,  who  are  commonly  called  "the  Apostles." 

The  Party  which  was  thus  organized  as  a  means  of  counteracting 
the  ultra-radical  tendencies  in  the  old  organization  and  of  furnishing 
a  vehicle  for  political  action  to  the  more  moderate  Socialists,  has 
adhered  consistently  to  this  purpose  and,  in  spite  of  the  occasional 
secession  by  more  radical  groups  within  its  ranks,  has  grown  steadily 
in  numbers  and  influence  until  today  it  is  by  far  the  most  powerful 
of  the  labor  parties  and  is  exceeded  in  voting  strength  and  repre- 
sentation in  the  Chamber  only  by  the  Clericals  among  the  conservative 
Parties. 

b 

Growth 

Its  growth  is  reflected  in  the  following  statistics  showing  its  voting 
strength  and  membership  in  the  Second  (popular)  Chamber  of  the 
States-  General: 

20 


Voting  Strength — National  Elections 

Members  in  Second 

Year  Votes  Chamber 

1897  13,035  2 

1901  38,279  7 

1905  65,743  7 

1909  82,793  7 

1913  144,375  16                            18.8% 

1918  296,145  22                            22.3%* 

The  spread  of  its  influence  is  indicated  further  by  the  election  of 
three  members  to  the  First  (Senatorial)  Chamber  of  that  body  and  by 
the  increase  in  circulation  of  its  daily  paper  "Het  Yolk"  which  is  now 
41,000  copies. 


Program 

Its  general  purposes  are  expressed  in  the  following  statement: 
"Forward  to  socialization  of  industries  and  nationalization  of  the  land. 
If  the  present  organization  of  the  State  cannot  do  all  this,  then  revolu- 
tionize the  State."  Its  specific  demands  have  been  formulated  in  the 
following  terms: 

Program  of  Demands  f 

1.  Immediate   demobilization   with   reasonable   compensation  as 
long  as  the  demobilized  would  be  unemployed. 

2.  Immediate   introduction  of  woman  suffrage,   suffrage  for  all 
persons,  who  are  of  age. 

3.  Abolition  of  the  First  Chamber;  decision  over  war  and  peace  to 
be  made  by  the  people's  representatives. 

4.  All  expenses  made  on  account  of  the  war  and  social  measures 
to  be  paid  out  of  taxes  levied  on  capitalists  and  land  owners. 

5.  Socialization  of  all  industries,  which  are  of  a  social  nature. 

6.  Quick  and  sufficient  solution  of  the  housing  problem — the  need 
for  workers'  houses. 

7.  Improvement  in  the  condition  of  small  farmers. 

8.  All  demands  of  the  sailors  and  soldiers  for  better  conditions, 
and  a  people's  army  and  navy  (officers  to  be  elected  by  rank  and  file 
from  among  those  who  qualify  through  examinations). 

*  Makes  total  vote,  1,328,000.     This  was  an  increase  of  400,000. 

t  These  were  formulated  at  a  labor  congress  held  under  the  joint  auspices  of  the 
Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  and  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trades  Unions  in 
November  16  and  17,  1918. 

21 


9.  Food  distribution  to  be  a  matter  of  state  concern,  and  coopera- 
tion of  farmers,  agricultural  laborers  and  consumers. leagues  to  be 
fostered. 

10.  State  pensions  for  all  persons  of  60  years  and  over. 

12.  A  program  of  social  legislation  as  outlined  at  Berne  by  the 
International  Confederation  of  Trade  Unions. 

13.  The  legal  8  hour  day  and  a  6  hour  day  for  miners  working 
underground. 

14.  Complete   unemployment   assurance   under   control   of  labor 
organizations. 

15.  Substantial  increase  of  the  salaries  of  workmen  and  minor 
employees  in  public  service  and  of  the  railroads. 

Throughout  its  history  it  has  constantly  and  persistently  advocated 
electoral  reform  and  woman  suffrage.  . 

d 
Attitude  Toward  Religion  and  Religious  Unions 

It  regards  the  religious  question  as  outside  the  sphere  of  its  activities 
'and  is  neither  religious  nor  agnostic.  But  it  characterizes  the  pro- 
grams of  the  Anti-Revolutionary  State  Party  (the  Party  of  the  Pro- 
testant Church)  and  of  the  Roman  Catholic  State  Party  and  the 
declaration  of  principles  of  the  religious  trades  unions  as  instruments 
designed  to  conceal  the  purpose  of  these  organizations  to  maintain 
the  dominance  of  the  capitalistic  class. 


Structure 

For  the  purposes  of  organization  the  Party  has  divided  the  country 
into  regions  (gewesten)  which  are  subdivided  into  districts  which  are 
further  subdivided  into  locals.  Each  of  these  divisions  and  sub- 
divisions has  its  executive  committee.  There  is  also  a  National 
Executive  Committee  of  eleven  members  elected  for  a  term  of  one 
year  by  the  rank  and  file.  Five  of  this  committee  must  be  residents 
of  Amsterdam  and  they  form  the  "Daily  Executive  Committee 
("local  quorum")  which  meets  every  day  for  at  least  %  hour. 

The  Party  supports  two  paid  officers,  an  Administrative  Secretary, 
and  a  Corresponding  Secretary,  and  a  number  of  paid  propagandists. 
It  publishes  Het  Volk  (The  People)  a  daily  paper  whose  circulation  is 
now  41,000,  and  in  addition  a  scientific  weekly  and  a  satirical  weekly 

22 


and  a  scientific  monthly  called  "De  Socialistische  Gids"  (The  Socialist 
Guide).  There  are  also  a  number  of  papers  published  by  the  local 
organizations. 

The  women  of  the  Party  are  organized  in  the  "Federation  of  Social 
Democratic  Women"  which  is  entitled  to  two  representatives  in  the 
annual  congress.  This  Federation  publishes  a  paper  "The  Proletarian 
Woman'  which,  on  January  1,  1916,  had  6,000  subscribers.  The 
Party  fosters  also  the  Social  Democratic  Study  Circle,  an  organization 
for  labor  research,  which  maintains  a  large  library  relating  to  labor 
matters  in  Holland  and  abroad,  and  renders  free  service  to  the  Party, 
the  trades  unions,  and  the  cooperatives. 

The  work  of  this  Circle  is  held  in  such  high  esteem  that  even  Con- 
servative Governments  have  availed  themselves  of  its  services. 

The  Executives  of  the  Party  are  Chairman  W.  H.  A.  Vliegen,  Ad- 
ministrative Secretary  J.  G.  van  Kuijkhof,  Secretary  J.  W.  Matthy- 
sen;  Headquarters  of  the  party,  16  De  Genestet  St.,  Amsterdam. 


Troelstra's  Influence 

From  the  outset  Troelstra  has  played  a  leading  role  in  the  Party 
councils  and  he  was  one  of  the  first  of  its  representatives  at  the  Second 
Chamber  to  which  he  was  first  elected  in  1897.  His  influence  in  the 
main  has  been  directed  toward  restraining  the  radical  or  visionary 
elements  and  toward  concentrating  the  efforts  of  the  Party  upon 
effective  action.  Thus  in  1913  he  advocated  the  acceptance  by  the 
Socialist  delegates  of  portfolios  offered  by  the  Liberal  Government 
to  which  that  Party  was  lending  its  support,  and  in  1917  he  was 
active  in  the  defeat  of  the  effort  to  bring  about  an  alliance  between 
the  Party  and  the  radicals  of  the  "Secretariat."  An  apparent  depar- 
ture from  this  policy  was  involved  in  the  declaration  which  he  made 
in  November,  1918,  in  favor  of  revolutionary  measures;  but  he  accepted 
the  defeat  of  this  program  with  apparent  equanimity  and  the  incident 
has  probably  left  his  influence  practically  undiminished. 

B 

The  Social  Democratic  Party 

This  Party  was  organized  in  1909  under  the  leadership  of  Dr.  David 
Wynkoop.  It  first  manifested  political  strength  at  the  election  of 
July  4th,  19-18.  Its  Executive  Committee  consists  of  seven  members  of 
whom  three  are  residents  of  Amsterdam  and  form  the  "local  quorum." 

23 


It  has  been  too  small  to  have  any  regional  organization  and  its  locals 
report  directly  to  national  headquarters.  Its  policies  are  those  of 
the  Academic  Socialism  and"  it  is  uncompromising  in  politics  and 
revolutionary  in  its  utterances.  Its  official  paper  is  the  "Tribune" 
edited  by  Wynkoop,  van  Ravensteyn,  and  Herman  Gorter.  In 
1916  this  paper  had  a  circulation  of  3,000.  While  radical  in  its 
socialism,  the  Party  disapproves  of  the  syndicalists  and  is  not  in 
sympathy  with  the  National  Labor  Secretariat.  On  the  other  hand 
it  finds  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trades  Unions  and  the  Social 
Democratic  Labor  Party  too  moderate.  Prior  to  the  elections  of 
July  4,  1918,  it  had  never  polled  any  considerable  vote.  At  that 
election  it  polled  31,023  votes  and  elected  two  representatives. 


Socialist  Party 

The  Socialist  Party  made  its  first  appearance  in  the  elections  of 
1918  under  the  leadership  of  H.  Kolthek.  Its  birth  was  due  to  the 
pressure  of  the  world-war  upon  the  economic  status  of  the  Netherlands, 
which  impelled  even  the  Syndicalists  to  resort  to  political  measures 
for  the  purpose  of  seeking  a  solution  of  such  immediate  problems  as 
those  of  food  production  and  food  distribution.  The  Party  is  really 
a  transformation  from  a  revolutionary  socialist  committee.  It 
announced  before  the  election  that  it  would  represent  the  political 
wing  of  the  revolutionary  proletariat.  It  may  be  compared  in  spirit 
with  the  reformist  syndicalists  of  the  C.G.T.  in  France.  Its  con- 
tinuance wTill  depend  upon  the  degree  to  which  Kolthek  and  his 
lieutenant  Lansink  shall  persist  with  the  syndicalists. 

In  the  elections  of  July  4,  1918  it  polled  throughout  the  country 
8,826  votes  and  elected  one  representative. 


Federation  of  Christian  Socialists 

This  is  an  independent  organization  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Rev.  J.  W.  Kruyt  and  a  Miss  Enka,  in  earlier  years  a  member  of  the 
"Anti-Revolutionary  State  Party." 

The  Rev.  J.  W.  Kruyt,  is  a  religious  anarchist,  Tolstoyan.  He  was 
a  minister  before  the  war  and  enlisted  as  a  field  chaplain.  His 
pacifist  and  anti-military  views  collided  soon  with  the  government 
war  orders  and  he  was  ousted  by  the  military  governor  of  Tilburg. 

He  was  elected  member  of  the  Second  Chamber  on  July  4,  1918. 

24 


The  "Federation"  is  apparently  more  of  a  sect  than  a  Party. 

Voting  Srength 
July  4,  1918  8,423  votes  1  seat 


E 
Free  Socialist  Group 

There  exists  also  a  "Free  Socialists  Group"  with  a  weekly  paper. 
It  is  a  loosely  organized  body  of  libertarians,  atheists,  agnostics, 
syndicalists,  philosophical  anarchists,  etc.  Its  power  is  nil,  but  it  is 
formed  by  a  noisy  crowd.  Its  spiritual  father,  F.  Domela  Nieuwen- 
huys,  has  lost  all  his  old-time  influence. 


The  Catholic  Unions 

At  a  combined  meeting  of  the  executives  of  the  Bureau  for  Roman 
Catholic  Trades  Unions  and  Council  of  Delegates  of  the  Diocene 
People's  and  Workers'  Federation  held  in  December,  1917,  the  fol- 
lowing program  was  adopted: 

1.  Social  legislation,  leading  to  the  recognition  of  judicial  rights 
of  trade  unions  and  especially  through 

(a)  legal  regulation  of  collective  labor  contracts, 

(b)  giving  a  share  in  the  execution  of  labor  laws  and  in  their 
promulgation. 

2.  Trade   unions  to  be   considered  as  advisory  bodies  in  social 
legislation. 

3.  Health,  invalidity  and  old  age  insurance,  medical  aid  to  be 
included  in  the  health  insurance. 

4.  No   change   in   Tariff,   on  account  of  introduction  of  social 
insurance. 

5.  Taxes  according  to  income,  especially  with  regard    to  large 
families.     Gradual  reduction  of  indirect  taxes  on  life's  necessaries. 

6.  Improvement   of   housing   conditions   of   the   people   through 
changes  and  improvements  in  the  housing  laws.     Compulsory  aid 
by  municipal  governments.     Municipalities  to  cooperate  with  Work- 
ers' Building  Associations. 

7.  More  energetic  measures  in  public  hygiene,  especially  concern- 
ing adulterations  of  foodstuffs. 

25 


8.  Law  on  vocational  and  domestic  science  education  and  regula- 
tion of  apprenticeship. 

9.  Improvement  of  labor  laws:  (a)  extension  to  all  industries,  (b)  a 
10-hour  law  and  a  56-hour  week,  (c)  less  hours  in  some  industries, 
(d)  prohibition  of  labor  by  children  under  14,  amendments  to  Com- 
pulsory Education -Act,  (e)  Prohibition  of  Labor  by  married  women  in 
shops  and  factories,  (f)  special  laws  on  agricultural  labor. 

10.  Improvements  in  the  Accidents  Insurance  law  in  the  way  of 
decentralization  and  extension  of  this  law  to  agriculture. 

11.  Regulations  of  the  judicial  position  of  employees  in  public 
and  semi-public  service  with  recognition  of  trade  unions. 

12.  Strong  support  of  the  international  attempt  to  arrive  at  an 
abolition  of  military  conscription  and  limitation  of  armaments. 

The  Bureau  for  Roman  Catholic  Trades  Unions  was  organized,  as 
has  been  said,  for  the  purpose  of  combatting  the  philosophic  and 
economic  concepts  of  the  socialists.  All  the  influence  and  power  of 
the  Catholic  church  has  been  concentrated  in  this  effort,  which  was 
stimulated  by  the  specific  comment  of  the  Pope  conveyed  in  the  letter 
known  as  "Rerum  Novarum"  which  was  issued  in  1892.  These 
efforts  have  resulted  in -a  rapid  increase  in  its  membership  which  has 
grown  year  by  year  as  reflected  by  the  following  figures: 

Jan.  1,  1911         1912          1913          1914          1915          1916          1917          1918 
15,541  16,402       21,096    .   29,048       35,257  .    40,328       54,855       69,139 

It  supports  the  Clerical  Party  which  is  at  present  the  strongest 
political  party  in  the  Netherlands. 


The  Protestant  Unions 

The  origin  and  purpose  of  the  Protestant  unions  is  similar  to  that 
of  those  organized  by  the  Catholic  church  in  that  the  impulse  to  their 
activity  has  been  a  sense  of  a  need  to  combat  the  philosophic  and 
economic  theories  of  the  Socialists  and  Radicals.  The  growth  of  its 
union,  the  Christian  National  Federation  of  Trades  Unions,  is  revealed 
by  the  following  statistics: 

Jan.  1,  1911         1912          1913          1914          1915          1916          1917          1918 
7,480  7,792         7,944      Missing    Missing     Missing      20,506       28,008 

This  Federation  supports  the  Anti-Revolutionary  Party.  At  a 
general  meeting  held  on  January  23,  1918  it  adopted  the  following 
program: 

26 


1.  Energetic  measures  as  to  Sunday's  rest,  especially  on  public 
means  of  transportation. 

2.  Equal    position    of    public    and    private    (clerical)    education. 
Extension  of  compulsory  education  to  the  14th  year.     Vocational  and 
domestic  science  education.     State  aid  to  workers'  children  who  are 
talented. 

3.  Legal  enactments  as  to  collective  labor  contracts.     Compulsory 
arbitration  of  strikes  and  lockouts.     Establishment   of  arbitration 
committees,  wherein  employers  and  employees  have  both  representa- 
tion.    Councils  for  the  determination  of  a  minimum  wage  scale  in 
industries. 

4.  Prohibition  of  labor  to  children  under  14.     Legal   ten    hour 
day  and  56  hour  week  with  measures  to  a  transition  of  a  legal  8-hour 
day  and  45  hour  week.     One  free  day  weekly,  preferably  on  Sunday. 
Extension  of  these  laws  to  office  and  storage  rooms.     A  safety  law 
for  the  building  trades;  improvement  of  Baker's  and  Agricultural 
Laborers  law,  especially  as  to  women  and  children. 

5.  Health  insurance,  with  medical  aid,  Invalidity  Insurance,  Old 
Age  pensions.     Widows'  pensions,  technical  revision  of  the  accident 
Insurance  law.     Vocational  disease  law.     Legal  regulation  of  unem- 
ployment insurance  and  Labor  Exchanges,  Mothers'  pensions. 

6.  Increase  in  salaries  for  public  servants.     Recognition  of  trade 
unions  of  public  servants,  and  introduction  of  "common  councils"  for 
public  servants  and  their  superiors. 

7.  Pure  food  regulations.     Price  fixing  of  necessary  food  stuffs. 
Development  of  economic  resources  of  the  country  and  its  colonies. 

8.  Legal  enactments  as  to  the  closing  hour  of  stores. 

9.  Increased  subsidies  to  Workers'  Building  Associations  to  come 
to  improved  housing  conditions  for  workers. 

10.  "Local  option"  in  the  liquor  question.       Limitation  of  alcohol 
production. 

11.  Taxes  according  to  income,  but  taking  in  consideration  the 
size  of  the  family.     No  indirect  taxes  on  food  stuffs. 

H 

Social  Political  Program  of  the  Christian 
National  Workers'  Federation 

This  was  drafted  at  the  general  meeting  at  Utrecht  on  April  16, 
1918. 

1.     Sunday's  rest  in  all  industries  and  especially  in  public  service. 

27 


Double  time  for  Sunday  work  and  a  36  hours  holiday  every  other  week 
if  Sunday  work  is  indispensable. 

2.  Abolition  of  all  night  labor,  (including  bakeries)  and  three  shifts 
where  night  work  is  unavoidable. 

3.  Ten  hour  day  and  54  hour  week  as  a  transition  measure  to  an 
8  hour  day  and  45  hour  week.     All  stores  to  be  closed  at  9.     Vaca- 
tion of  at  least  12  days  a  year. 

4.  Legal  regulations  of  collective  labor  contracts,  compulsory  for 
organized  as  well  as  unorganized  workers. 

5.  Revision  and  extension  of  the  Accidents  Insurance  Law  to  all 
wage  earners.     Health  insurance  with  medical  aid.     Widows'  pen- 
sions.    State  Unemployment  Insurance. 

6.  "Chambers  of  Labor"  to  be  transformed  in  "Councils  for  Arbi- 
tration." 

7.  Better  housing  conditions. 

8.  State  supervision  of  food  distribution. 

9.  No  large  land  ownership  and  no  increase  in  land  rent. 

10.  Local  option  on  the  liquor  question. 

11.  Curbing  of  compulsory  trading  at  company  stores. 

12.  Extension  of  compulsory  education,  13th  year  inclusive;    voca- 
tional education  for  children  between  12  and  14;  prohibition  of  child 
labor  to  14;  legal  regulation  of  apprenticeships. 


28 


APPENDIX  II 


Growth  of  the  Movement  as  a  Whole 

Year                  Total  of  Organized         Organized  as  Percentage  in 

Workers  Federations  Federations 

Jan.  1910                      143,850  62,351  43.34 

1911  153,689  72,646  47.27 

1912  169,144  82,570  48.82 

1913  189,030  101,428  53.66 

1914  220,275  137,893  62.60 

1915  227,391  149,101  65.57 

1916  251,667  170,418  67.72 

1917  303,760  224,223  73.82 

1918  369,151  287,458  77.87 


B 

Growth  of  the  Several  Federations1 

Membership 

1911      1912      1913  1914      1915      1916  1917  1918  Sept.  1, 

(1)  1918 

NLS2 5,247    6,180    8,097  9,697    9,24210,510  14,309  23,068  

NFT 44,378  52,195  61,447  84,261  87,598  99,511  128,918  159,450  183,080 

GNFT 7,480    7,792    7,944  20,506  28,008  

RCFT 15,541  16,402  21,096  29,048  35,257  40,338  54,855  69,139  

NCFT 2,844  3,864    4,677     5,046  5,635  7,794  

irThe  economic  concepts  of  the  several  organizations  are  summarized  at  p.  9. 

2  Key  to  abbreviations: 

NLS      National  Labor  Secretariat. 

NFT     Netherland  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 

CNFT  Christian  National  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 

RCFT  Roman  Catholic  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 

NCFT  Neutral  Central  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 

29 


Percentage  of  Total  of  Organized  Workers  Represented  in  the 
Several  Central  Federations? 


Jan.  1 

1911 

1912 

1913 

1914 

1915 

1916 

1917 

1918 

NLS 

3.41 

3.65 

4.28 

4.40 

4.06 

4.18 

4.71 

6.25 

NFP 

28.88 

30.86 

32.51 

38.25 

38.52 

39.54 

42.44 

43.19 

GNFT... 

.      4.87 

4.61 

4.20 

5.00 

5.42 

5.97 

6.75 

7.59 

RCFT... 

10.11 

9.70 

11.16 

13.19 

15.51 

16.03 

18.06 

18.73 

NCFT 

1.50 

1.75 

2.06 

2.01 

1.86 

2.11 

Total  

.    47.27 

48.82 

53.65 

62.59 

65.57 

67.73 

63.82 

77.87 

Growth  of  Religious  as  Compared  to  Non-Religious 
Federations 

The  religious  affiliation  has  a  preponderant  influence  upon  the 
action  of  the  federation  or  union.  The  religious  trade-unions  repudiate 
the  theory  and  tactics  of  the  class  struggle. 

The  following  table  gives  the  fluctuations  in  the  ratios  between 
religious  and  non-religious  trade  unions  in  percentages  of  the  total 
number  of  organized  workers  in  "Central  Federations." 

Jan.  1  1911  1912  1913  1914  1915  1916  1917 

Protestant  Organizations 4.14  3.67  3.23  2.98  3.22  3.22  3.33 

Roman  Catholic  Organizations  15.28  15.23  16.28  17.02  18.39  18.39  19.84 

Other  Religious  Organizations .  4.04  4.07  3.34  3.75  3.80  3.80  4.29 

Total  Religious  Organizations.  23.46  22.97  22.85  23.75  25.41  26.15  27.46 

Total  other  Organizations 76.54  77.03  77.15  76.25  74.59  73.85  72.54 

3  In  1911  there  existed  a  National  Federation  of  Transport  workers  with  3,125 
members,  being  2.03%  of  the  total  organized  workers.  In  1912  these  figures  were: 
3,658  and  2.16%.  In  1913  amalgamation  took  place  with  the  Netherland  Federa- 
tion of  Trade  Unions. 


30 


APPENDIX  III 

List  of  Organizations  affiliated  with  the  Levine  Federations. 

A 

National  Labor  Secretariat 

(Founded  September  27,  1893) 

(a)   Affiliated  Federations 

(As  of  January  1,  1916) 

1.  Federation  of  Furniture  Makers  and  affiliated  trades. 

2.  National  Federation  of  Lumberworkers. 

3.  Federation  of  Workers  in  the  Clothes  industry. 

4.  National  Federation  of  Metalworkers. 

5.  Federation  of  Cigarmakers  and  Tobaccoworkers. 

6.  National  Federation  of  Food  trades. 

7.  Federation  of  Agricultural  Laborers. 

8.  General  National  Federation  of  Seamen. 

(b)  Affiliated  Single  Trade  Unions 

Of  the  National  Federation  of  Building  Workers  the  following  18 
locals: 

At  Alkmaar,  Building  Workers. 

At  Amsterdam,  Earth-workers,  Hod-carriers,  Masons,  Carpenters, 
Pile-drivers,  Plasterers,  Common  Laborers,  Beton-workers. 

At  the  Hague,  Masons,  Carpenters,  Hod-carriers,  Beton-workers. 

At  Haarlem,  Masons,  Pile-drivers. 

At  Oostzaan,  Earth-workers. 

At  Sappemeer,  Hoogezand,  Carpenters. 

At  Zaandam,  Building-workers. 

Of  the  Netherland  Ship-workers'  and  Longshoremen's  Federation 
the  local  at  Rotterdam,  Harbor-workers. 

Of  the  "National  Federation  of  Textile-workers"  all  five  locals  at 
Almelo,  De venter,  Enschede,  Goor  and  Hengelo. 

31 


(c)  Other  Local  Unions 

At  Alkmaar,  Independent  Transport-workers  Union. 

At  Amsterdam,  Netherland  Chauffeurs  Union.  "Our  Interest, 
Taxi-chauffeurs  Union."  Excelsion,  Newspaper  Distributors  Union 
"Awrake  on  Time,"  Independent  Organization  of  Commercial,  Em- 
ployers, Union  of  Ship-classifiers  "D.E.V."  Gardeners  and  Florist 
Union  "Humananitas." 

At  Hoogezand,  Factory-workers  Union  "Strong  through  Unity." 

At  Groningen,  Tobacco-workers  Union  "Help  One  Another." 

At  Haarlem,  Independent  Transport-workers  Union  "New  Life." 

At  Haar  leemermeer,  "Strong  Together"  Agricultural  Laborers' 
Union. 

At  Halfweg,  Independent  Mixed  Union,  "Through  Unity,  Strength" 

At  Noord  Crock,  The  Agricultural  Laborers'  Union. 

At  Noordwolde,  Independent  Union  of  Reed  and  Bamboe  Workers 
"New  Life." 

At  Sappemeer,  Independent  Union  of  Card-board-workers. 

At  Schiedam,  Union  of  Glass-workers  and  affiliated  Trades. 

At  Veendam,  Card-board  Workers'  Union. 

At  Zaandam,  Independent  Union  of  Factory  Workers  "Striving  for 
Betterment." 

When  the  anarchist  leaders  in  the  "Secretariat"  became  afraid  of 
the  ever  growing  influence  of  the  leaders  of  the  political  socialistic 
parties,  they  succeeded  in  having  both  parties  expelled  from  the 
"Secretariat." 

Since  then,  the  "Secretariat"  has  in  an  increasing  measure  tended  to 
syndicalism  of  the  extreme  type  and  has  lost  influence  and  economic 
power. 

B 

Christian  National  Federation  of  Trade  Unions 

(Founded  July  1st,  1909) 

(a)  Affiliated  Federations 

1.  Christian  Federation  of  Typographs. 

2.  Netherland  Christian  Building  Workers'  Federation. 

3.  Federation  of  Dutch  Christian  Furniture  Makers,  Paperhangers 
and  Allied  Trades. 

4.  Christian  Wood- workers'  Federation. 

5.  Dutch  Federation  of  Christian  Workers  in  the  Clothes  Industry. 

32 


6.  General  Federation  of  Christian  Mine-Workers. 

7.  Christian  Metal-workers'  Federation. 

8.  Nederland  Christian  Textile-workers'  Federation  "Unitas." 

9.  Christian  Federation  of  Journeymen  Bakers,   Chocolate  and 
Sugar-workers. 

10.  Christian  Protestant  Union  of  Workers  in  the  artificial  Liquor 
Industry  and  Affiliated  Trades  "True  to  Our  Principle." 

11.  Christian  Federation  of  Cigar-makers  and  Tobacco-workers. 

12.  Nederland  Federation  of  Christian  Agricultural,  Horticultural 
and  Dairy-workers. 

13.  Nederland  Christian  Federation  of  Journeymen  Butchers. 

14.  Nederland   Federation   of  Christian   Office   and   Commercial 
Employees. 

15.  Federation  of  Christian  Workers  in  the  Harbor  and  Transport 
Trades  and  Allied  Trades. 

16.  Nederland  Federation  of  Christian  Protestant  Post  and  Tele- 
graph Employees  "Through  Duty  to  Justice." 

17.  Protestant  Christian  Federation  of  Railway  and  Train  em- 
ployees. 

18.  Nederland  Federation  of  Christian  Factory  Workers. 

19.  Christian  Federation  of  Dutch  Municipal  Workers. 

(b)  Local  Trade  Unions 

At  Aalten,  Union  of  Christian  Horn- workers. 
At  Dokkum,  Protestant  Christian  Building  Trade  Union. 
At  Enschede,  Christian  Textile-workers  Union  "St.  Severus." 
At  Tilburg,  Tilburg  Textile  Workers  Union. 

At  Vlaardingen,   Christian  Trade-Union  of  Journeymen  Coopers 
"Harmony." 


Roman-Catholic  Trade  Union  Federation 

(Founded  July  18,  1909) 

(a)  Affiliated  Federations 

1.  Federation  of  Roman  Catholic  Glass   and    Ceramic-Workers 
"God  and  Our  Right." 

2.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Graphical  Federation. 

33 


3.  Roman-Cat holic-Litho-Foto  and  Chemographs'  Federations. 

4.  Netherland-Roman-Catholic  Chalk  and  Stone-cutters  Federa- 
tion "Saint  John." 

5.  Netherland     Roman    Catholic     Painters'  Federation    "Saint- 
Lucas." 

6.  Netherland    Roman-Catholic    Carpenters'    Federation    "Saint 
Joseph." 

7.  Netherland  Furniture  Makers,  Paperhangers'  and  Upholsterers' 
Federation  "Saint  Anthony  of  Padua." 

8.  Roman    Catholic    Netherland    Federation    of    Wood-workers 
"Saint  Joseph." 

9.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Seamstresses  and  Taylors'  Federa- 
tion "St.  Gerardus  Majella." 

10.  Netherland    Roman-Catholic    Shoe    and    Leather    Workers' 
Federation. 

11.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Metal-workers'  Federation. 

12.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Textile  Federation  "Saint  Lam- 
bert." 

13.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Tobacco-workers'  Federation. 

14.  Netherland   Roman-Catholic    Federation    of  Bakers'   Cocoa, 
Chocolate  and  Sugar- workers. 

15.  Netherland     Roman-Catholic     Federation     of     Journeymen 
Butchers  "Saint  George." 

16.  Netherland  Federation  of  Roman  Catholic  Florists,  Gardeners 
and  Agricultural  Laborers.   . 

17.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Federation  of  Railway  and  Train 
Employees  "St.  Raphael." 

18.  Netherland    Roman-Catholic    Federation    of    Employees    in 
Hotels,  Saloons  and  Restaurants. 

19.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Seamens'  Federation. 

20.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Factory,  Harbor  and  Transport 
Workers'  Federation  "Saint  Willebrord." 

21.  Netherland    Roman-Catholic    Federation    of    Petty    Officers 
"Saint  Martinus." 

22.  Netherland  Roman-Catholic  Federation  of  Employees  in  the 
Service  of  Public  Organizations  or  Public  Industries  "Saint  Paul." 

(b)  Local  Trade  Unions 

23.  At     Amsterdam,     Netherland     Roman-Catholic     Diamond- 
workers'  Union. 

34 


Netherland  Federation  of  Neutral  Trade-Unions 

(Founded  June  2,  1912) 

(a)  Affiliated  Federations 

1.  Netherland   Neutral   Federation   of  Workers   in   the   Clothes 
Industry. 

2.  Federation  of  Neutral  Journeymen  Bakers  and  Confectioners. 

3.  General  Netherland  Federation  of  Journeymen  Butchers. 

4.  Netherland  Federation  of  Confectioners'  Clerks. 

In  1918  it  included  1,144  affiliated  unions  and  was  organized  in  362 
municipalities.  These  figures  are  to  be  compared  with  577  and 
95  respectively  for  the  year  1911. 

Its  growth  has  been  almost  parallel  to  the  economic  development 
of  the  Netherlands.  This  is  reflected  in  the  increase  in  Croningen 
especially,  a  province  where  the  industrial  advance  has  been  rapid 
during  recent  years. 

The  slowest  increase  has  been  recorded  for  the  southern  provinces, 
where  Roman  Catholicism  is  dominant. 

The  most  powerful  of  the  affiliated  organizations  is  that  of  the 
Diamond  Workers,  which  is  the  oldest  and  strongest  and  richest  of  the 
Dutch  unions.  The  list  of  affiliated  organizations  is  as  follows: 

5.  Netherland  Federation  of  Bookdealers'  Clerks. 

6.  National    Federation    of    Commercial    and    Office    Employees 
"Mercurius." 

7.  Neutral  Federation  of  Hotel  and  Restaurant  Employees  "Our 
Interests." 

(b)  Local  Trade  Unions 

8.  At  Almelo,  Textile- workers  Union  "Sustain  One  Another." 

9.  At  Amsterdam,  Neutral  Federation  of  Store  and  Storehouse 
Employees. 

10.  At  Amsterdam,  Union  of  the  Messengers  and  the  Store-house 
Employees  "E.m.M." 

11.  At  Haarlem,   Carpenters  and  Pattern-makers  Union   "Har- 
mony." 

12.  At  Leiden,  Carpenters  and  Pattern-makers  Union. 

13.  At  Rotterdam,  The  Rotterdam  Metal-workers'  Union  "Saint 
Aloysius." 

D 
Netherland  Federation  of  Trades  Unions 

1.  Functionaries. 

2.  Assistant  Druggists. 

35 


3.  Bakers  and  Cocoa  Workers. 

4.  Building  Laborers. 

5.  Diamond  Workers. 

6.  Liquor  Trade. 

7.  Factory  Workers. 

8.  Municipal  Workmen. 

9.  Glass  and  Ceramic  Workmen. 

10.  Gold  and  Silversmiths. 

11.  Office  Workers. 

12.  Harbor  Workers. 

13.  Waiters. 

14.  Tailors  and  Seamstresses. 

15.  Domestic  Servants. 

16.  Coopers. 

17.  Agricultural  and  Dairy  Workers. 

18.  Lito-Foto-Chemigraphs. 

19.  Engineers  and  Firemen  (Ships). 

20.  Metalworkers. 

21.  Furniture  Makers  and  Paperhangers. 

22.  Miners. 

23.  Supervisors  and  Draftsmen. 

24.  Post-Telegraph-Telephone  Employees. 

25.  Government  Workers. 

26.  Painters. 

27.  Cigar  Makers. 

28.  Butchers  (Journeymen). 

29.  Railway  and  Train  Employees. 

30.  Plasterers. 

31.  Textile  Workers. 

32.  Carpenters. 

33.  Transport  Workers. 

34 .  Typographers . 

35.  Seamen. 

36.  Nederland  Cooks  Union. 

37.  Engineers  and  Firemen  (Railroads). 

38.  Government  Tax  Clerks. 

39.  Earthworks  Union. 

40.  Theatre  Employees. 

41.  Central  Union  Transport  Workers.* 

*  (Combination  of  12  Harbor  Workers  and  33  Transport  Workers.) 


36 


APPENDIX  IV 
PERSONNEL  OF  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT 


Influential  Members  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  and 
the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trades  Unions 

Pieter  Jelles  Troelstra  was  born  in  1860  at  Leeuwarden,  the  son  of  a 
high  provincial  official.  He  studied  law  and  received  a  doctor's 
degree  in  1888.  From  1889  to  1892  he  practiced  law  in  the  City  of 
Leeuwarden,  defending  the  Agricultural  Workers  accused  of  violence. 
He  met  Jan  Stap,  their  leader,  and  through  his  influence  became  in- 
terested in  the  Socialist  movement.  Later  he  broke  relations  with 
his  parents  and  moved  to  Sneek  where  he  edited  the  "Sneeker  Courant" 
and  later  the  "Nieuwe  Tyd."  In  1893  he  went  to  Utrecht  as  a 
propagandist  and  edited  "The  Baanbreker."  He  was  one  of  the 
"Apostles"  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party.  His  personal 
history  since  1897  is  inseparably  bound  up  with  the  public  life  of  the 
Netherlands.  He  is  an  excellent  and  eloquent  speaker;  and  a  clever 
and  accomplished  parliamentarian.  His  control  of  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Labor  Party  and  of  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trades  Unions 
is  strong  although  on  two  occasions  the  rank  and  file  revolted  against 
his  advice,  first,  against  his  opposition  to  the  general  strike  of  1903 
and  second,  against  his  counsel  to  allow  the  Party  leaders  to  accept 
portfolios  in  the  liberal  cabinet  in  1913.  No  one  in  the  party  and  very 
few  outside  the  party  doubt  his  sincerity. 

The  anarchists  and  the  Wynkoop  faction  hate  him,  the  conservative 
groups  and  the  government  fdar  him,  the  members  of  the  S.D.L.P. 
and  the  N.F.T.  adore  him,  and  call  him  "Pieter  Jelles"  or  "Heit"  the 
Frisian  word  for  father.  (See  also  references  to  his  specific  activities 
at  p.  23.) 

Henry  Huibert  van  Kol  was  born  in  1852  at  Eindhoven  of  Belgian 
parents.  He  studied  at  the  Poly  technical  school  in  Delft  and  was 
afterwards  civil  engineer  in  Java  until  1894  when  he  was  pensioned 
because  of  ill  health.  From  1897  to  1909  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Second  Chamber  and  since  1911*  he  has  been  a  member  of  the  First 

37 


Chamber  (Senator).  He  is  very  wealthy  and  a  personal  friend  of 
many  of  the  highest  government  officials.  He  is  impulsive  and  senti- 
mental has  terrific  working-power,  and  is  fearless.  He  has  made  a 
profound  study  of  colonial  problems  and  at  the  request  of  the  French 
government  investiated  conditions  in  Algiers.  He  is  the  author  of 
the  "Colonial  Program"  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party,  and 
of  the  "International."  At  his  own  expense,  he  has  made  two  ex- 
tended trips  through  the  Dutch  East  Indies  and  has  made  one  trip 
through  the  Dutch  West  Indies.  In  1915  he  was  commissioned  by  the 
government  of  the  Netherlands  to  investigate  the  industrial  condi- 
tions in  Japan.  His  report,  as  published,  created  a  great  deal  of 
antagonism  in  the  government  circles  on  account  of  its  bitter  denuncia- 
tion of  the  Japanese  Government's  treatment  of  its  workers.  He  is 
an  unqualified  pro- Ally. 

Jan  Hendrik  Andries  Schaper  was  born  in  1868.  By  trade  he  is  a 
painter.  At  the  age  of  18  years  he  joined  the  Social  Democratic 
Labor  Party.  He  has  edited  several  provincial  labor  papers.  In 

1897  he  was  elected  to  the  Municipal  Council  of  Groningen  and  in 

1898  to  the  Provincial  Council.     From  1897  to  1901  he  was  a  member 
of  the  Second  Chamber  for  the  District  of  Beendam.     When  Troelstra 
is  absent  he  is  the  leader  of- the  Socialists  in  Parliament.     He  has  great 
influence  over  the  Unions  in  Groningen  and  Friesland  and  is  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  labor  legislation.     He  is  strongly  opposed  to  all 
"direct  action."     He  is  a  "pacifist"  and  a  prominent  member  of  the 
"Anti-War  Council"  in  the  Netherlands. 

Henri  Polak  is  the  all-powerful  leader  of  the  Diamond- workers . 
During  his  youth  he  worked  in  England  and  became  acquainted  with 
the  Fabian  socialists.  He  translated  the  works  of  Sidney  and  Beatrice 
Webb  and  Robert  Blatchford.  His  experience  in  the  British  trade 
unions  was  of  great  value  to  him  in  the  Dutch  Labor  movement. 
Since  1902  he  has  been  municipal  Councilor  of  Amsterdam.  He  is  a 
member  of  the  Provincial  Council  and  the  First  Chamber.  With 
Ouvegeest  he  is  the  dominant  factor  in  the  Netherland  Federation  of 
Trades  Unions.  He  is  less  radical  and  more  tactical  than  either 
Troelstra  or  van  Kol.  He  was  appointed,  by  the  Queen,  Chairman 
of  the  Statistical  Committee  of  the  Netherlands  and  is  famous  for  his 
extensive  knowledge  of  labor  conditions  the  world  over. 

W.  H.  A.  Vliegen  is  Troelstra' s  right-hand  man,  and  is  one  of  the 
earliest  Socialists.  For  some  time  he  resided  in  Paris.  He  has  edited 
various  provincial  papers  and  "Het  Volk."  He  is  a  member  of  the 
Second  Chamber,  and  has  been  Municipal  and  Provincial  Councilor 
since  1909.  His  specialty  is  Public  Finance.  He  is  an  unqualified 
pro- Ally.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  Vliegen  advocated  joining  the 

38 


Entente  but  was  heavil}^  rebuked  by  the  Party  for  "breech  of  Neu- 
trality." 

M.  Mendels  was  born  at  the  Hague  in  1868.  He  is  an  Attorney. 
By  reading  Marx  he  was  converted  from  Liberalism  to  Socialism.  He 
is  a  "slick"  speaker,  extremely  agile  and  alert  as  a  debater  and  a  keen 
analytical  writer.  He  lost  influence  in  the  Social  Democratic  Labor 
Party  by  his  desertion  in  1909  to  follow  the  Wynkoop  faction  but  was 
forgiven  and  restored  to  favor  by  the  leaders  as  the  result  of  his 
propaganda  work  in  Utrecht.  He  was  a  paid  propagandist  in  the 
Zaandistrict,  where  he  fought  the  anarchists  and  clericals.  He  was 
elected  Municipal  Councilor  in  Zaandam  in  1904  and  1905  and  has 
been  a  member  of  the  Second  Chamber  since  1913.  His  specialty  is 
criminal  law  and  Penology. 

Jan  Oudegeest  is  the  strong  leader  of  the  Netherland  Federation  of 
Trade  Unions  and  the  editor  of  its  paper  "De  Vakbeweging"  (The 
Trade  Union  Movement).  His  personal  history  begins  with  a  long 
record  as  an  excellent  employee  of  the  Netherland  State  Railroads. 
His  attention  was  drawn  to  the  organization  of  the  railroad  workers 
when  still  a  young  man.  He  became  municipal  councilor  at  Utrecht 
while  stationed  in  that  city  as  an  administrator  of  the  Railroad  Em- 
ployees Union.  In  1903  he  was  the  leader  of  the  great  railroad  strike. 
In  1913  he  was  nominated  for  the  Second  Chamber  in  the  third  district 
of  Amsterdam  but  lost.  He  was  elected  on  July  4,  1918  with  a  con- 
siderable majority.  He  stands  strongly  under  the  influence  of  H. 
Polak,  and  is  Troelstra's  mouthpiece  in  the  Netherland  Federation  of 
Trade  Unions,  and  will  no  doubt  play  a  prominent  role  in  the  near 
future.  From  1906  to  1917  he  was  Secretary  and  since  then  has  been 
Chairman  of  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 

Edo  Fimmen  has  for  some  time  been  the  right  hand  man  of  Oude- 
geest. He  is  now  Secretary  of  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions. 

Frank  van  der  Goes  was  originally  a  financier  of  the  Amsterdam  Ex- 
change. His  youthful  exuberant  revolutionary  character  brought 
him  the  hatred  of  his  colleagues  and  in  1892  he  was  forced  out  of  the 
Exchange.  He  studied  political  economy  and  statistics  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Amsterdam  and  since  1901  has  been  "lector"  in  Socialism 
at  that  University.  He  is  considered  the  "Kautsky"  of  the  Nether- 
lands. He  belongs  to  that  faction  which  disagreed  with  the  Party  in 
theory  but  stays  with  the  Party  and  propagates  Marxism  through  the 
scientific  weekly. 

F.  M.  Wibaut  is  the  son  of  a  rich  lumber  dealer.  He  studied  Marx's 
works  while  in  High  School.  His  specialty  is  trusts  and  trust  history. 
He  is  Echevin  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam  for  Public  Works,  is  a  good 

39 


business  man,  and  is  rich.  He  belongs  to  the  Marxists  within  the 
Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  and  is  a  strong  backer  of  cremation 
movement. 

A.  H.  Gerhard  is  the  son  of  J.  W.  Gerhard,  Dutch  Secretary  of  the 
old  "International."  Thus  he  inherited  his  socialism  and  agnosticism. 
He  is  prominent  in  the  free-thinkers  movement.  He  became  a  school 
teacher  and  principal  and  has  been  a  great  factor  in  the  modern 
pedagogical  movement  in  the  Netherlands.  Since  1913  he  has  been 
a  member  of  the  chamber.  He  has  great  influence  among  the  socialist 
teachers.  He  is  moderate  in  socialist  and  trade-unions  views. 

W.  P.O.  Helsdingen  was  originally  a  carpet  weaver.  He  is  a  self- 
made  man  and  reads  five  languages.  "I  studied  all  philosophical  and 
scientific  books  I  could  lay  my  hands  on."  He  has  great  influence 
with  unions  in  Northern  provinces  and  has  been  a  member  of  the 
Second  Chamber  since  1901.  He  is  a  pleasant  speaker,  venerable,  and 
mild  in  theory  and  action.  He  is  a  personal  crony  of  Van  Kol  and  very 
often  speaks  in  the  Chamber  on  labor  conditions  of  lower  government 
employees.  He  is  responsible  for  better  conditions  of  the  munition 
workers. 

L.  M.  Hermans  was  an  anarchist  in  his  earlier  days.  He  edited  a 
very  notorious  paper  "The  Red  Devil."  He  became  propagandist  of 
the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  for  Rotterdam,  and  later,  in 
Arnhem,  where  he  was  elected  Municipal  Councilor  in  1909.  On 
July  4,  1918  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Second  Chamber.  He  is 
completely  under  control  of  the  leaders  of  the  Party  and  will  do  what- 
ever Troelstra  wants  him  to  do. 

K.  ter  Laan  was  a  school  teacher  by  trade  and  is  now  Burgomaster 
of  Zaandam.  He  has  been  a  member  of  the  Second  Chamber  since 
1901.  He  is  not  very  strong  as  a  speaker  but  is  a  good  administrator 
and  exhibits  great  interest  in  the  amelioration  of  the  conditions  in  the 
lower  ranks  of  the  Army. 

F.  W.  N.  Hugenholtz  is  minister  of  the  liberal  church  and  has  been 
a  member  of  the  Chamber  since  1901.  He  has  made  a  special  study 
of  Navy  matters.  He  played  a  great  role  in  the  general  strike  of  1903 
at  which  time  he  was  in  full  command  of  one  of  the  trunklines.  He  is  a 
Revolutionary  idealist. 

J.  E.  W.  Duys  has  been  notary  public  at  and  member  of  the  Second 
Chamber  for  Zaandam  since  1909.  He  is  a  clever  speaker,  turbulent 
character,  excels  in  sarcastic  interruptions  and  is  one  of  Troelstra' s 
personal  devotees.  He  became  converted  to  socialism  in  the  election 
of  1902  in  Amsterdam  (candidacy  of  Troelstra).  He  is  Municipal 
Councilor  and  eschevin  for  Public  Works  at  Zaandam. 

40 


Theo  van  der  Naerden  is  a  Ph.D.  and  Civil  Engineer  and  is  a  strong 
temperance  advocate.  He  has  made  a  special  study  of  the  Taylor 
system.  He  is  a  high  school  teacher  in  Amsterdam  and  a  member  of 
the  Board  of  Education  in  that  city.  He  has  been  Provincial  Coun- 
cilor for  North  Holland  since  1909  and  on  July  4,  1918  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  Second  Chamber.  He  is  a  Marxist  within  the  Party. 

J '.  W.  Albarda  became  an  international  figure  through  the  Stock- 
holm Conference  and  has  been  active  in  the  pacifist  movement  during 
the  war.  Since  1913  he  has  been  a  member  of  the  Second  Chamber 
and  interests  himself  especially  in  the  mine  workers  and  textile  workers. 

G.  W.  Sannes  is  an  attorney  at  law  and  since  1913  has  been  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Second  Chamber.  During  the  war  he  has  been  active  in  the 
food  distribution  work.  He  is  an  opportunist  in  action. 

E.  Rugge  has  been  Municipal  Councilor  at  Groningen  and  Provincial 
Councilor  since  1909.  He  is  editor  of  the  party  paper  in  the  province 
of  Groningen.  He  is  greatly  under  the  influence  of  Helsdingen  and 
Schaper  and  is  a  pacifist  agitator. 

J.  H.  F.  van  Zaedlhoff  is  a  teacher  and  has  been  active  in  the  teach- 
ers' union  since  1892.  Since  1903  he  has  toned  down  considerably  in 
theory  and  action.  He  is  a  regional  propagandist  for  South  Holland. 

G.  Ossendorp  was  for  a  long  time  president  of  the  teachers  union  and 
is  an  active  worker  in  the  teachers'  movement. 

J.  A.  Bergmeyer  is  an  active  worker  in  the  teachers'  movement.  He 
is  one  of  the  "apostles."  He  is  still  very  active  but  is  old. 

Suze  Groeneweg  was  the  first  woman  member  of  the  Second  Chamber. 
She  was  born  in  1875  at  Stryensas,  South  Holland,  and  attended  a 
village  normal  school  and  was  appointed  a  teacher  at  Rotterdam  in 
1903  in  which  year  she  joined  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party. 
In  1906  she  initiated  the  movement  for  the  foundation  of  Social 
Democratic  Women's  Clubs.  Since  1914  she  has  been  a  member  of 
the  Executive  Committee  of  the  party.  She  is  much  sought  after 
as  a  speaker  on  feminist  questions,  birth  control,  temperance,  etc. 
She  occupies  quite  an  independent  position  in  the  Party  and  has  a 
personal  following  in  the  longshoremen's  union  in  Rotterdam. 

J.  van  den  Tempel  is  a  minor  but  influential  lieutenant  in  the  Nether- 
land  Federation  of  Trade  Unions.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Second 
Chamber. 

A .  Heykoop  of  the  Harbor  workers  of  Rotterdam  is  a  minor  but  in- 
fluential lieutenant  in  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 
He  is  a  member  of  the  Second  Chamber. 

J.  ter  Laan  is  Municipal  Councilor  at  Rotterdam  and  a  member  of 
the  Second  Chamber.  He  is  a  minor  but  influential  lieutenant  in  the 
Netherland  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 

41 


K.  Kuyper  is  a  theoretician,  rejects  the  Marxian  theory  of  value, 
but  accepts  the  materialist  conception  of  history  as  a  work  method.  He 
is  strongly  anti-militarist,  and  in  1915  wrote  a  pamphlet  "Not  a  man, 
not  a  cent,"  which  was  sold  in  large  quantities.  He  has  lately  played 
a  prominent  part  in  the  Netherland  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 

A.  B.  Kkerekooper  is  a  practical  politician,  attorney,  eloquent  and 
convincing  speaker  and  since  1913  has  been  a  member  of  the  Second 
Chamber.  He  is  Municipal  Councilor  for  Amsterdam.  His  influ- 
ence is,  however,  limited  to  that  city  and  province. 

A.  Vander  Heide  is  a  Christian  Socialist  within  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Labor  Party  and  edits  the  Christian  Socialist  weekly.  He  is 
non-resistant  and  a  pacifist  of  the  extreme  type.  His  influence  is 
limited  to  the  province  of  Friesland  and  he  is  not  taken  very  seriously 
by  the  party. 

B 
Influential  Members  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party 

David  Wynkoop  was  born  at  Amsterdam  in  1876  and  in  1900  joined 
the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party.  He  soon  started  an  opposition 
to  Bernstein's  revisionism.  As  far  back  as  1904  he  showed  antagonism 
to  Troelstra,  during  the  "International  Socialist  Congress  in  Amster- 
dam." He  founded  the  weekly  "Tribune,"  the  Marxist  paper,  in 
1907  and  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  in 
1909.  In  April,  1916  he  changed  the  "Tribune"  to  a  daily  paper  and 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  Second  Chamber  on  July  4,  1918.  He  is 
dogmatic  and  querelent  and  has  great  influence  within  his  own  circle 
and  in  the  last  three  months  has  gained  considerable  strength.  The 
Dutch  Socialists  assert  that  he  is  in  constant  communication  with 
Trotsky.  He  advocates  a  mild  form  of  Bolshevism,  Soviets,  etc. 

In  his  earlier  life  he  was  a  teacher  and  is  a  much  feared  pamphleteer. 
He  has  a  personal  following  among  the  younger  teachers  and  students 
of  the  University  of  Amsterdam. 

W.  van  Ravensteyn  is  a  doctor  of  literature,  a  historian  and  an  econo- 
mist. He  has  been  a  socialist  since  1899  and  left  the  Social  Democratic 
Labor  Party  with  Wynkoop.  He  is  a  writer  of  numerous  works  on 
economic  history  and  a  book  on  the  "World  War."  In  action  he  is 
much  milder  than  Wynkoop  and  since  July  4,  1918  has  been  a  member 
of  the  Second  Chamber. 

Anton  Pannekoek  is  an  astronomer  and  was  for  years  assistant  in 
the  Observatory  in  Leiden.  In  1899  he  joined  the  Social  Democratic 
Labor  Party  and  left  it  with  Wynkoop  in  1909.  He  lost  his  influence 
in  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  through  his  inactivity  in  the 

42 


great  strike  in  1903.  He  fosters  a  profound  hatred  for  Troelstra.  He 
was  a  teacher  of  history  and  historical  method  at  the  "Social  Demo- 
cratic Party  School"  at  Berlin.  He  opposed  the  military  clique  in 
Germany  and  in  1915  was  requested  to  leave  that  country.  Today 
he  is  a  high  school  teacher  at  Aekmaar,  and  is  author  of  various 
Marxian  pamphlets  on  the  causes  of  the  war,  etc. 

Herman  Gorier  belongs  to  the  pioneer  of  the  literary  movement  in 
1880.  He  is  a  doctor  in  literature,  a  poet,  and  a  philosopher.  In 
1895  he  was  attracted  to  the  socialist  movement.  His  acquaintance 
with  the  leaders  in  the  Zaan  district,  where  he  was  born  and  received 
his  earlier  education,  was  very  useful  to  the  Social  Democratic  Labor 
Party  in  its  struggle  against  the  anarchist  and  syndicalist  organizations 
from  1895  to  1905.  He  was  called  when  Mendel  could  not  weather 
the  storm.  At  all  times  he  has  been  a  strict  Marxist  and  left  the 
Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  with  Wynkoop  and  has  since  drifted 
to  the  most  extreme  internationalist  position  of  the  Zimmerwald 
faction.  He  has  popularized  the  materialist  conception  of  history  for 
the  workers  and  has  written  radical  pamphlets  on  the  w&r.  He  has  a 
lovable  character  and  his  influence  over  the  most  radical  groups  is 
increasing  since  1914.  He  is  outspoken  in  his  sympathy  with,  the 
Soviet  Government. 


Extreme  Radicals 

Henrietta  Roland  Hoist  is  another  pioneer  of  the  literary  movement 
of  1880.  She  is  a  poetess  and  a  profound  student  of  economic  and 
social  history  and  has  written  various  works  on  the  history  of  the 
working  classes  in  Holland  and  a  very  notable  book  "General  Strike 
and  Social  Democracy."  She  is  a  woman  of  great  oratorical  power 
and  can  sway  audiences.  From  1898  to  1911  she  was  a  member  of  the 
Social  Democratic  Labor  Party.  She  joined  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  but  during  the  war  deserted  that  party  and  founded  a  "Socialist 
Revolutionary  League."  When  this  drifted  towards  an  anarchist 
position  she  returned  from  the  movement.  Of  late  she  has  been 
giving  much  attention  to  the  psychical  and  biological  factors  in  social 
development.  Her  temperament  is  revolutionary  and  she  may  be 
expected  to  follow  the  most  radical  course  at  all  times.  She  is  wealthy. 

H.  Kolthek,  Jr.,  is  the  leader  of  the  newly  formed  "Socialist  Party." 
In  earlier  days  he  was  a  member  of  the  Social  Democratic  Federation 
and  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party.  After  1896  he  left  the  Social 
Democratic  Labor  Party  and  devoted  himself  entirely  to  the  National 

43 


Labor  Secretariat  and  at  the  present  time  he  is  its  National  Secretary. 
On  July  4,  1918  he  was  elected  to  the  Second  Chamber.  His  right- 
hand  man  in  the  National  Labor  Secretariat  and  the  Socialist  Party 
is  B.  Lansink,  Jr. 

B.  Lansink,  Jr.,  is  Kolthek's  right  hand  man  in  the  National  Labor 
Secretariat  and  inherits  his  influence  from  his  father. 

B.  Lansink,  Sr.,  is  one  of  the  oldest  syndicalists  in  the  Netherlands. 

Dr.Frederik  vonEcden,the  communist,  has  recently  lost  his  following 
among  the  workers.  His  organization  "Common  Property  of  Land" 
has  changed  into  a  real  estate  company.  He  has  shown  himself  to  be 
a  consistent  and  unqualified  supporter  of  the  allied  cause.  Of  late 
his  journalistic  work  has  brought  him  in  the  sphere  of  the  Liberal 
Democrats.  His  opinions  undergo  constant  changes  and  in  political 
matters  he  is  a  most  unreliable  man.  He  is  the  author  of  several  books 
of  fiction,  and  of  dramas,  and  is  a  poet  of  no  mean  quality. 


44 


